"LP Platform" by Murry Rothbard, The Libertarian Forum, Volume VI, No. 10, October 1974.
[Thanks to Dan Grow for corrections - BH]

The official platform of the national Libertarian Party, as adopted in its June convention this year in Dallas, is an enormous improvement over the first, 1972 platform. The basic problem with the old platform is that it was neo-Randian, and therefore studded with such phrases as "the proper function of government is . . ." For those of us who believe that the only proper function of government is to disappear, such phrases were like red flags to a bull. They were a standing affront to the substantial body of anarchists in the Party. The new platform has happily expunged these provocative phrases and reworded its principles and planks to say: "the government may not do" X, Y, and Z. In that way, without explicitly calling for anarchism, the new platform provides a Commodious home which both anarcho-capitalists and laissez-faire limited statists can live with. For the new platform neither calls for abolition of the State nor does it explicitly endorse government; by confining itself to the negative function of attacking the depredations of government, it can be endorsed by all anarchists and laissez-faire liberals who do not wish to drive the members of the other camp out of the party.

As an example, instead of the old formulation: "We . . . hold that the sole function of government is the protection of the rights of each individual", the new platform says, "We . . . hold that where governments exist, they must not violate the rights of any individual". The anarchist insight that all governments necessarily violate the rights of the individual is left in abeyance, neither affirmed nor denied.

In addition to this heartening and basic change, the first section, on Individual Rights and Civil Order, has been greatly strengthened. Added is a clause stressing that the major purpose of criminal punishment is to force the criminal to make restitution to his victim. Furthermore, an excellent section has been added opposing any form of involuntary mental commitment. Added, too, is a clause attacking any discrimination violating equality of rights by the government, while also opposing any governmental attempts to regulate private discrimination. The "protection of privacy" clause has been notably strengthened as well. The old platform unaccountably waffled by saying that "electronic and other covert government surveillance of citizens should be restricted to activity which can be shown beforehand, under high, clearly defined standards of probable cause, to be criminal . . ." Shown to whom? And what "showing" can justify such clear invasion of the rights of person and property? The new platform clearly states that "the government should not use electronic or other covert surveillance of an individual's actions on private property without the consent of that property owner." Also, the previous very weak clause on the right of secession, which limited that right to one "supported by a majority within the political unit" (what "unit"?) and other qualifications, has been replaced by a clear "We support recognition of the right to political secession. Exercise of this right, like the exercise of all other rights, does not remove legal and moral obligations not to violate the rights of others."

The only weak clause remaining in this section is the one on the "Volunteer Army", which unfortunately goes beyond a simple call for abolition of the draft to positively hailing ''a well paid volunteer army" as a "more effective means of national defense". "Well paid", of course, means at the expense of the taxpayers, especially since the clause does not call for a voluntarily financed army. Furthermore, there is still no recognition of the serfdom involved even in a "voluntary" army structure that does not allow voluntary resignation which all other jobs, including police, do allow. Furthermore, the caIl for unconditional amnesty is still limited to draftees and does not yet include non-draftee deserters.

The "Trade and the Economy" section is also strengthened by calling, as "immediate reforms", for "drastic reduction" of taxes and government spending instead of the old, weak "reduction". Furthermore, the old, weak-kneed "Those who have entered into . . . activities with promises of government subsidy will be forewarned by being given a cutoff date . . ." has fortunately been excised. The party of principle must stick to principle and not concede the immorality of "cutoff dates" for theft. The clause calling for "eventual repeal of all taxation" has been strengthened by support for constitutional challenges to taxation, and by opposition to the withholding and other compulsory tax collections as involuntary servitude. A timely clause has also been added opposing all government control of energy pricing and subsidies to energy research, as well immediate repeal of the egregious 55 m.p.h. speed limit. The major weakness here is still the failure to call for return to the gold standard, i e. for return of the people's gold confiscated by the federal government in 1933.

The "Domestic Ills" section has also been greatly strengthened. Naderite regulations are now specifically opposed, as well as compulsory "self-protection laws", and drug regulations 6r prohibitions. There is a clear-cut call for the abolition of the Food and Drug Administration. The "Population" clause has been strengthened by attacking special tax burdens on single people or on the childless. Also, welcome clauses have been added:  opposing all compulsory or tax-supported health insurance, attacking medical licensing and other interference with free medical choice, opposing all government control of land use, and demanding the repeal of the crippling OSHA.

The "Foreign Policy" section has also been greatly improved by eliminating the Wilsonian call for diplomatic recognition of only "legitimate" governments in the old platform, and substituting the genuine isolationist policy of non-intervention and de facto recognition to all other governments. However, the "currency exchange rates" clause is still unfortunately Friedmanite, in calling for freely floating exchange rates rather than currencies tied to a non-governmental, market commodity such as gold. But another excellent change is the elimination of the old platform's call for U.S. military alliances with non-"despotic governments", including even a "nuclear umbrella". Instead, the new platform clearly states that "American foreign military policy must be directed toward avoiding involvement of the United States in war." It also includes an eloquent attack on the horrors of aggressive war, with the mass murder and economic statism that such wars inevitably breed. Also, the previous call for "sufficient nuclear capacity" as a deterrent is eliminated, and replaced by a simple "we shall support the maintenance of a sufficient military force to defend the United States against aggression." More needs to be done in calling for disarmament of nuclear and other weapons of mass slaughter, as well as a questioning of whether such threats of aggression against the United States actually exist. However, the condemnation of war and the call for its avoidance is a giant step forward in the new platform.  Unfortunately, specific isolationist and anti-war clauses passed by the Platform Committee,
including: withdrawal of foreign-based U. S. troops, the ending of U.S. alliances and foreign military aid, and strict neutrality in the Middle East, were stricken by the Hospers-Nathan neo-Randian forces on the floor of the convention.

All in all. however, the national LP platform, despite room for improvements, is now one which both anarchists and laissez-faire liberals should be able to accept and work with.